Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise (1804), Manuskript von Johann Ludwig Jochmann Johann Ludwig Jochmann and his travelogue of an excursion to ...
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Hoppea, Denkschr. Regensb. Bot. Ges. 81 (2020): 51–104
Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise (1804), Manuskript von
Johann Ludwig Jochmann
Johann Ludwig Jochmann and his travelogue of an
excursion to Finland (1804)
von
Wolfgang Ilg, Isny/Allgäu, Heldur Sander, Tallinn,
und Ari T. Taponen, Helsinki
Abstract: On June 11, 1804, Professor G. A. Germann – who that year had become a member of
the Botanical Society of Regensburg – set out with six students on a botanical excursion to the
north. Five weeks later, after passing through Narva, St. Petersburg, Vyborg, and Hamina, the
group reached Savonlinna, Finland. Responsible for maintaining a travelogue of the expedition
was the 19-year-old J. L. Jochmann, a second-year medicine student at the University of Tartu.
(Jochmann later matriculated at Erlangen University in Germany, where he met E. W. Martius,
who nominated him for membership in the Society at its session on July 9, 1805.) In his travel-
ogue, Jochmann not only documented the plants found by the expedition underway, including
references to such typical Nordic species as Rhododendron lapponicum, Rubus arcticus, and
Rubus chamaemorus, he also extensively described natural landmarks as well as encounters with
local notables, compatriots, and foreigners. He paid particular attention to young people and
soldiers, whose uniforms and warships he described in detail. In addition, he recorded the diffi-
culties of the journey, especially with regard to means of transport and travel documents. Joch-
mann’s hand-written text, which is preserved in the Manuscript Department of the University of
Tartu library, records the first five weeks of the eight-week journey. That the text bears the title
“Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise” (Travelogue of the Lapland Journey) can hardly be coinci-
dental: The author (or rather his professor?) wished an allusion to a famous prototype, namely,
Linne’s “Iter Lapponicum” (1732). In spite of its valuable entries, the title is nonetheless mis-
leading because the expedition never reached Lapland. At its northernmost or most northwesterly
point, the expedition was still inside “Old Finland”, i. e. within the Vyborg Governorate, which
was Russian territory at the time. The evaluation of the contents must be left to the reader. Draw-
ing and narration were skills that enabled naturalists to convey their knowledge to the greatest
possible public. Jochmann’s diary contains no drawings, presumably because the author lacked
the talent. Jochmann is however a skilled narrator – even if he was not always as picturesque and
vivid as the 25-year-old Linné had been in his “Lappländische Reise”.
For this publication, the diary has been transcribed and furnished with notes, which on one
hand improve its readability and on the other, provide references to further literature. An intro-
duction offers additional biographical information about the participants as well as details about
the circumstances of the excursion.
Key words: Betula nana, botanical excursion, Eriophorum gracile, Estonia, Finland,
Germann, Grindel, Lapland, Linnaea borealis, Linné, Lobelia dortmanna, Nicolai, Pedicularis
sceptrum-carolinum, Rhododendron lapponicum, Rubus arcticus, Rubus chamaemorus, Russia,
Seume, Trifolium spadiceum, University of Tartu, vegetation.52 Wolfgang Ilg, Heldur Sander & Ari Taponen
Kurzfassung: Am 11. Juni 1804 brach Professor G. A. Germann – Mitglied der Regensburgi-
schen Botanischen Gesellschaft seit 1804 – mit sechs Studenten der Universität Dorpat zu einer
botanischen Exkursion in den Norden auf. Über Narva, St. Petersburg, Vyborg und Hamina
erreichten sie in fünf Wochen Savonlinna in Finnland. Der 19-jährige J. L. Jochmann, der damals
in Dorpat im zweiten Semester Medizin studierte – später ging er nach Erlangen, wo er die
Bekanntschaft mit E. W. Martius machte, der ihn am 9. Juli 1805 in der Sitzung der Gesellschaft
in Regensburg als Mitglied vorschlug –, wurde zum Führen des Tagebuchs verpflichtet. Dies
nutzte er nicht nur dazu, die unterwegs gefundenen Pflanzen zu dokumentieren – er erwähnt
dabei typisch nordische Pflanzenarten, wie Rhododendron lapponicum, Rubus arcticus oder
Rubus chamaemorus –, sondern er beschrieb auch ausführlich Naturdenkmale sowie die Begeg-
nungen mit Honoratioren, Landsleuten, mit Fremden, vor allem aber auch mit jungen Menschen,
mit Soldaten; er schilderte detailreich deren Uniform und Kriegsschiffe, sowie die Beschwerlich-
keiten der Reise hinsichtlich der Transportmittel und Reisedokumente. Das Manuskript liegt in
der Handschriftenabteilung der Universitätsbibliothek Dorpat. Es enthält die Aufzeichnungen
über die ersten fünf Wochen einer insgesamt achtwöchigen Reise und trägt sicher nicht zufällig
den Titel: „Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise“. Es sollte wohl nach dem Willen des Tagebuch-
schreibers – oder seines Professors? – auf das berühmte Vorbild: Linnés „Iter Lapponicum“
(1732) hinweisen. Dieser Titel führt schon deshalb in die Irre, weil die Reisegruppe – unabhän-
gig von dem Wert der Tagebucheinträge – Lappland nicht erreichte und sich bei den nördlichs-
ten, resp. nordwestlichsten Ausflügen ausschließlich in „Alt-Finnland“ (Gouvernement Vyborg,
damals russisches Territorium), bewegte. Die inhaltliche Bewertung muss dem Leser überlassen
bleiben. Zeichnen und Erzählen waren Praktiken, deren sich die Naturforscher bedienten, um
ihre Erkenntnisse einem möglichst großen Publikum mitzuteilen. Zeichnungen fehlen beim
Tagebuch Jochmanns, vermutlich mangels Talent des Autors. Schreiben aber konnte er, auch
wenn er nicht immer so anschaulich und lebendig erzählte, wie es der 25-jährige Linné in seiner
„Lappländischen Reise“ tat.
Für diese Publikation wurde das Tagebuch transkribiert und mit Anmerkungen versehen, die
einerseits die Verständlichkeit verbessern, andererseits Hinweise auf weiterführende Literatur
geben. In einer Einleitung werden die Biographien der Exkursionsteilnehmer und die näheren
Umstände der Reise ausführlicher dargestellt.
Kokkuvõte: Lapi reisi päevik (1804). Johann Ludwig Jochmanni käsikiri. 11. juunil 1804
asus professor G. A. Germann – Regensburgi Botaanikaseltsi liige aastast 1804 – koos kuue Tartu
Ülikooli tudengiga teele botaanikaekskursioonile põhjamaadesse. Viie nädalaga jõuti Narva,
Peterburi, Viiburi ja Hamina kaudu Savonlinna Soomes. Päevikupi-damine tehti ülesandeks 19-
aastasele J. L. Jochmannile, kes õppis tollal Tartus teisel semestril arstiteadust ning siirdus hiljem
Erlangeni, kus tutvus E. W. Martiusega, kes tegi Regensburgis 9. juulil 1805 toimunud seltsi
koosolekul ettepaneku võtta noormees seltsi liikmeks. Päeviku-pidamist ei kasutanud Jochmann
ainult teekonnal leitud taimede – ta mainib sealjuures tüüpilisi põhjamaiseid taimeliike nagu
Rhododendron lapponicum, Rubus arcticus või Rubus chamaemorus – dokumenteerimiseks, vaid
kirjeldas selle kõrval põhjalikult ka loodusmälestisi ning kohtumisi mõjukate inimeste, oma
kaasmaalaste ja võõrastega, eelkõige aga noorte inimeste ja sõduritega, maalides üksikasjaliku
pildi nende mundritest ning tutvustades sõjalaevu. Lisaks jutustas ta reisil ette tulnud eba-
mugavustest seoses transpordivahendite ja reisidokumentidega. Käsikiri on hoiul Tartu Ülikooli
raamatukogu käsikirjade osakonnas. See sisaldab ülestähendusi kokku kaheksa nädalat kestnud
reisi esimesest viiest nädalast ning ei kanna kindlasti juhuslikult pealkirja „Lapi reisi päevik”.
See pidi päeviku-pidaja – või tema professori – tahtel tõenäoliselt viitama kuulsale eeskujule,
1732 ilmunud Linné reisikirjale „Iter Lapponicum”. Sõltumatult päeviku sissekannete sisulisest
väärtusest on see pealkiri eksitav, kuna Lapimaale see reisigrupp oma teekonnal ei jõudnud, vaid
liikus isegi oma kõige põhja- ja loodepoolsematel ekskursioonidel eranditult Vana-Soome aladel
(s. t. Viiburi kubermangus tollasel Venemaa territooriumil). Sisulise hinnangu andmine peab
jääma lugeja ülesandeks. Joonistamine ja jutustamine olid vahendid, mida loodusuurijad kasuta-Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise (1804) 53
sid selleks, et tutvustada oma uurimistulemusi võimalikult laiale publikule. Jochmanni päevikus
joonistusi ei ole. Arvatavasti ei olnud autoril kunstilist annet. Kirjutada ta aga oskas, isegi kui ta
ei jutustanud alati nii näitlikult ja elavalt, nagu oli seda teinud 25-aastane Linné oma „Lapi
reisil”. Käesoleva väljaande jaoks päevik transkribeeriti ja lisati märkused, mis muudavad teksti
arusaadavamaks ning annavad viiteid lisakirjandusele. Sissejuhatuses kirjeldatakse põhjalikumalt
ekskursioonil osalenute elulugusid ning konkreetseid reisiolusid.
1. Introduction (H. Sander)
The University of Tartu (Kaiserliche Universität zu Dorpat; Imperatorski Derptski
Universitet) was reopened in Tartu in 1802 with celebrations on 21 and 22 April
(SIILIVASK 1982: 36 f., BENDER 2014). As a preparatory measure, the Board of
Governors was to find teachers with a previous scientific degree. Gottfried
Albrecht Germann was elected professor of the Faculty of Philosophy and Natural
Sciences, mainly to teach natural history in general and botany in particular (“Prof.
der Naturgeschichte überhaupt und der Botanik insbesondere”). He was employed
by the University on 24 February 1802 (STORCH 1804: 223, EWERS 1827: XXVI).
Gottfried Albrecht Germann (fig. 1) was born in Riga (Russian Empire) in
1773 into the family of Albrecht Germann (1744–1818), the subrector of Riga
Cathedral School, and studied at Riga Cathedral School (Tertia 1784, Sekunda
1786, dimissus 1792), medicine at the Faculty of Medicine and Natural Sciences of
Jena University, Germany, in 1792–1795 (matriculation on 2 October 1792), later
also at the universities of Würzburg, Berlin, and Kiel. At the last mentioned
university, Germann also defended, in 1796, a doctoral dissertation on medicine:
De influxu aëris frigidi et calidi in morbus et sanitatem hominum – pro gradu
doctoris Medicinae et Chirurgiae. Kiliae Holsatorum, 1796, 30 S. His dissertation
was written in Latin and German from the perspective of medical geography and
dealt with the dependence of diseases on the climate.
After returning to Riga from Germany, Germann passed, in 1797, an additional
examination at the College of Medicine of St. Petersburg and was licensed to prac-
tise as a physician in the Russian Empire. Subsequently, he worked as a family
doctor of Count Jacob Johann Sievers (1731–1808), one of Russia’s most promi-
nent diplomats, military men, and statesmen. He resided at the Count’s home
manor Bauņi (Bauenhof) and then in St. Petersburg and Valmiera (Wolmar). Ger-
mann married Juliane (Julie) Catharina von Günzel (Narva 1777 – Bauņi 1839) at
Bauņi in 1801. Juliane’s mother Katharina (Catharina) Sophia Güntzel (Hütterau,
1753–1789) died young, and her father Karl Johann von Günzel married anew in
1790, this time Count Sievers’ oldest daughter Katharina (Catharina, 1770–1844).
After his election to the professorship at the University of Tartu (fig. 2), Ger-
mann took active part in the educational work and in the founding of the botanical
garden and natural history museum, and participated in other activities of the
University as well. His scientific interest came to be research on the flora of the
provinces of Estonia and Livonia. 1804 he was elected a member of the Regens-
burgische Botanische Gesellschaft. Germann organised three expeditions to the54 Wolfgang Ilg, Heldur Sander & Ari Taponen territories of the present-day Republic of Estonia (1803) and Republic of Latvia (1806) as well as to those of the Republic of Finland and the Russian Federation (1804). The last mentioned expedition has been recorded in the extant manuscript diary thereof by one of the participants, student Johann Ludwig Jochmann. Below, we examine the diary as well as the story of its author. Germann died on 28 November 1809 in Tartu, evidently of tuberculosis. He was buried in the Vana- Jaani section of the cemetery of Raadi (GERMANN 1804: 328–336, 344–348, 1805a: 57–104, 1805b: 17–32; RECKE & NAPIERSKY 1829: 25 f.; SEUBERLICH 1924: 113; LENZ 1970: 276; TERING 2008: 370, 2018: 324; SANDER & MEIKAR 2009: 72–85; SANDER et al. 2009: 46–50; SANDER 2018: 1041–1043). Fig. 1: Professor Gottfried Albrecht Germann (1773–1809), the first director of the Natu- ral History Museum in Tartu. After the oil painting by Carl Christian Vogel von Vogelstein, 1809. Reproduction: University Tartu Library.
Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise (1804) 55
1.1 The family Jochmann in Pärnu and Johann Ludwig’s school years
The family of Johann Gottlob Jochmann in Pärnu has received exceptional atten-
tion thanks to the Estonian historian Aldur Vunk (VUNK 2011: 85–98, 2012: 23–
44). Jochmann was born on 20 April 1753 into a peasant family in Niederludwigs-
dorf near Görlitz. He entered the University of Leipzig in 1769, where he acquired
the jurist’s qualifications. In search of employment he travelled to the Baltic
provinces of the Russian Empire, where an extensive juridical reform had started in
1783. In the course of that, a county court was established in Pärnu, where Joch-
mann found a job after his arrival from Saxony. The first report that Johann
Gottlob Jochmann was employed as secretary of the Pärnu imperial district court is
dated 21 March 1784. In this city, he also met his life’s love Elisabeth Magdalena
von Schwander, a daughter of Captain Jacob Ludwig Schwander, the Engineer-
Commandant of the garrison of the Pärnu fortifications. He wed her on 19 Novem-
ber 1784 (VUNK 2011: 90 f., 2012: 23 f., 26). In a little less than a year’s time, on
24 October 1785, the first son, Johann Ludwig, was born into the family, followed
more than three years later, on 9 February 1789, by another, Carl Gustav. The
godfathers included the commandant of the fortifications Brigadier General Gustav
Reinhold von Vogt, the customs office director and court councillor Christoph
Witte and the head of the city council Councillor Gottlieb Heinrich Franzen. On
4 March 1791, the last child, Wilhelmine Amalie was born (VUNK 2011: 92, 2012:
27). Thus, the Jochmann family had a relatively modest number of descendants.
Carl Gustav Jochmann’s birth date has been erroneously rendered as 10 February,
which date has gained a wider circulation (10 February (OS)/21 February 1989:
LOPP 2019), but VUNK (2011: 91) gives the right one: 9 February 1789, baptized
20 February 1789. Similarly, Johann Ludwig Jochmann’s birth year has been
presented as 1787 (LENZ 1970: 357, BRENNSOHN 1905: 221, TANKLER 2000: 281,
LEPPIK 2006: 140), although Johann Ludwig’s real birth year 1785 was already
known (LINDEMANN 1863: 244, 1884: 307).
Information is scarce on Johann Ludwig Jochmann’s school education. It has
been mentioned that he went to school in Riga (“Schulbesuch in Riga” or “erhielt
seine Schulbildung in Riga”; LENZ 1970: 357, BRENNSOHN 1905: 221), or even
that his schooling took him from Pärnu to Tartu (VUNK 2012: 30). Evidently, he
initially studied at the prestigious Pärnu Four-Year City School, where he acquired
basic knowledge in Russian, French, and classical languages. The graduate of the
school could continue at the cathedral school Riga or Tallinn and proceed to a
university. In 1797, Pierre Glandy had opened a private school in Pärnu, where
those interested could advance their proficiency in French and Russian (VUNK
2011: 93, 2012: 28). Johann Ludwig Jochmann may be supposed to have continued
his studies at Riga Cathedral School, as his younger brother Carl Gustav is known
to have studied at that school in 1799–1804 (LOPP 2019). Yet the data is contra-
dictory; he has been claimed to have studied in Riga in 1803–1806 (LENZ 1970:
357) or that Carl Gustav Jochmann spent his last year of studies at the Cathedral
School, sojourning in Riga in 1803–1805 by staying at his father’s friend’s, doctor56 Wolfgang Ilg, Heldur Sander & Ari Taponen
medici David Georg Kurtwig and his wife Catharina’s place, who had moved from
Pärnu to Riga the previous year (VUNK 2011: 94, 2012: 30).
1.2 Jochmann’s years at Riga Cathedral School
At that time Riga Cathedral School employed a form system, with each form being
cared for by a main teacher. These were the teachers that had served at the Cathe-
dral School for a long time: Johann Georg Rievethal (since 1788), who, as “the
presiding teacher”, was the headmaster of the school; Albrecht Germann (since
1768); and Johann David Sandt (since 1779). The last mentioned teacher instilled
interest in nature into his pupils. It was written about Sandt (HOLLANDER 1980:
165, 177): “He was a meticulous teacher, an enthusiast of astronomy and natural
history. He endeavoured to introduce his students to the nature and history of the
homeland, even on extracurricular hikes.” Sandt greatly influenced and befriended
David Hieronymus Grindel, who also studied at the Cathedral School (Tertia 1778,
Sekunda 1788) and then continued his studies at an apothecary’s in 1788–1796
(TERING 2018: 340, HEIN & SCHWARZ 1975: 226 f.). It has also been reported that
Grindel studied in Riga under Johann Gottlieb Struve in 1786–1792 or 1788–1794
(RECKE & NAPIERSKI 1829: 102, BRENNSOHN 1905: 179, LENZ 1970: 260). Grindel
as an apprentice apothecary has been depicted as follows (RECKE & NAPIERSKY
1829: 102): “Hardly had his studies passed the midway point when he was no
longer satisfied with the mere mechanics of his activities: he longed for the acqui-
sition of scientific knowledge, and now studied at night and in the earliest morning
hours as the only time free from his work-related duties, not only [Johann Chris-
tian] Wiegleb’s writings but also, upon the advice and assistance of his teacher and
friend Sandt, mineralogy and botany with such intensity and industry as to be capa-
ble, immediately after his years of study, to enter the University of Jena in 1795.”
Although literary sources (BRENNSOHN 1905: 179; LENZ 1970: 260) add that
Grindel went to Jena in 1795 and studied there until 1797, he was matriculated to
study medicine at the University of Jena on 29 September 1796 and continued
there until 1798 (TERING 2018: 340). The reason was that by the ukase of Paul I of
28 June 1798 students studying abroad were called back to Russia. Grindel’s stud-
ies in natural sciences and medicine would have taken two more years to complete
(TERING 2008: 626–628). He returned to Riga on 13 August 1798 (TERING 2018:
340) and, having subsequently been engaged in a number of capacities and further
studies, Grindel was awarded the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Dr. phil.) in Jena
on 21 October 1802 (RECKE & NAPIERSKY 1929: 102, BRENNSOHN 1905: 180). In
1804–1814, Grindel was a professor of chemistry and pharmaceutics, in 1810–
1812 also the rector of the University of Tartu (RECKE & NAPIERSKY 1829: 102–
108, BRENNSOHN 1905: 179 f., LENZ 1970: 260 f.).
In November 1802, Grindel wrote in Riga an overview of the flora of the prov-
inces of Estonia and Livonia. In it, he expressed gratitude for their contribution to
the completion of the book to Johann David Sandt of Riga, the secretary of the
Livonian Public Welfare and Economic Society (“Livländische Gemeinnützige undTagebuch der Lappländischen Reise (1804) 57
Ökonomische Sozietät”) Wilhelm Christian Friebe, Heinrich Gerlach and Dr. I. G.
Fritzsche of Dresden and “one of my most diligent students, Mister Jochmann sen.
I recalled here tenderly my young friends, whose friendship I owe to that science
[apparently botany]” (GRINDEL 1803: VIII f.). Mention here was made of Joch-
mann senior, hence Carl Gustav Jochmann junior must also have studied at Riga
back then, which the aforesaid source (LOPP 2019) indeed states. Thus, the brothers
may be presumed to have studied for some time together at Riga Cathedral School.
Evidently, Grindel’s friendship with Johann Ludwig Jochmann developed in
the initial years of penning the botanical work and thanks to Sandt. That Jochmann
was Grindel’s best pupil has become known (LINDEMANN 1863: 244, 1884: 307).
He was a genuine plant enthusiast; his herbarium of 11 or 12 species has been pre-
served in the collection of Eduard Lindemann (l. c. 1863: 244, 1884: 307). As the
latest literature has been more widely known and used, it led to an erroneous
notion that Jochmann had been Grindel’s best student and friend at the University
of Tartu whereas in actuality it applies more to their Riga years. What the lectures
or practical works by Grindel were that Jochmann acquired during his studies, or
what their relationships were like, at the University of Tartu went beyond our
focus. Yet Jochmann’s herbarium leaves are probably still extant at the University
of St. Petersburg, where the bulk of Lindemann’s herbarium is stored (BYALT et al.
2008: 275–278).
Fig. 2: The main building of the University of Tartu. Lithography after the painting of E.
Ivanson, from Louis Höflinger (1860): Tartu album; Original: University of Tartu, Library.58 Wolfgang Ilg, Heldur Sander & Ari Taponen
1.3 Jochmann’s years at the University of Tartu
Johann Ludwig Jochmann acquired university education in Tartu. There, he com-
menced his medicinal studies beginning from the second (autumn) semester of
1803, and studied until 1805 (HASSELBLATT & OTTO 1889: 6). Other sources pre-
sent 1803–1806 as his years of study in Tartu (LINDEMANN 1863: 244, 1884: 307).
During his studies, Jochmann worked from 1803 to 1805 as assistant to the univer-
sity’s preparator (in German: Prosektor) Michael Ehrenreich Kauzmann (LENZ
1970: 357). Kauzmann was studying medicine at the University of Erlangen since
1799 and became a doctor of medicine (Dr. med.) there in 1802; he was preparator
in 1802–1805, and professor in 1805–1810, at the University of Tartu (l. c.: 365).
From the University of Tartu, Jochmann went to Germany in pursuit of further
education, studying there in 1805–1807 (LENZ l. c.: 357). It appears that Kauzmann
exerted some influence over Jochmann, as at first the latter went to the University
of Erlangen. Jochmann was the fourth medic who consolidated Erlangen’s position
in the early 19th century University of Tartu. In Erlangen he came into contact with
E. W. Martius (1756–1849), university pharmacist and co-founder of the Regens-
burgische Botanische Gesellschaft, who nominated him for a member of the
society, which was declined (ARBG-40,534,5). On the trip, he was supported from
Tartu by Professor Germann, who wrote a letter of recommendation to Professor
Schreger, probably Bernhard Nathanael Gottlob Schreger (1766–1825), who was
employed as professor at Erlangen since 1797. From Erlangen, Jochmann pro-
ceeded to the University of Würzburg, where he was matriculated in October 1806
(TANKLER 2000: 281). Unfortunately, no confirmation could be found of his studies
at Würzburg from the local university, as the archives were destroyed during World
War II (N. Pfeuffer, e-mail May 2019).
After completion of his studies of medicine at Würzburg, Jochmann worked as
assistant at the hospital of the University of Tartu (“Gehilfe an klin. Anstalten in
Dorpat”) in 1807–1809. From 1809 to 1811, he again studied abroad, and in 1811
received a doctor’s degree without a dissertation at the University of Würzburg
(HASSELBLATT & OTTO 1889: 6, LENZ 1970: 357). It has also been suggested,
however, that in 1811 or, according to others, at the University of Tartu. So far,
attempts to find conclusive evidence in favour of one claim or another have been
unsuccessful (TANKLER 2000: 281).
As Jochmann received his doctoral degree abroad, he, like Germann, had to
pass an examination for a license to practice at a domestic university. The examina-
tion was organised at the University of Tartu and the respective archival record is
extant (digital copy: RA,EAA.402.2.10937 l. 1–5). The record shows the decisions
of the examiners [9 professors] about the knowledge [very good and excellent] ex-
pressed by Mister Ludwig Jochmann for unrestricted practice as medical doctor in
foreign medicine, surgery and obstetrics at the Examina pro venia praxeos on 10
August 1811. There is also certificate No. 35, issued on 24 August 1811, concern-
ing the recognition of the doctoral degree obtained abroad of the extraordinary
docent of surgery Johann Ludwig Jochmann (l. c. p. 5). Since 1811, Jochmann wasTagebuch der Lappländischen Reise (1804) 59
a private docent of surgery and eye diseases (“Privatdozent f. Chirurgie und
Augenheilkunde”) at the University of Tartu, since 1812 the Deputy Director
(“stellv. Dir. der chirurgischen Abtheilung der klinischen Anstalten zu Dorpat”)
and since 1813 an extraordinary professor of surgery (“außerordentl. Prof. d.
Chir.”). He died in Tartu on 21 April 1814 (HASSELBLATT & OTTO 1889: 6, LENZ
1970: 357). It has also been reported that due to circumstances Jochmann became
the director of the University’s hospital of surgery in 1812 but was unwilling to
present the dissertation required to formalise the appointment – commenting that
the surgeons have already done that in the advanced age and based on the ex-
tensive experience (LEPPIK 2006: 141, VUNK 2011: 96). There appears to be some
confusion here, as the scientific degree in question had actually been conferred on
him and was also recognised.
The following is known about the lectures and activities at the University of
the private docent of surgery Dr. Johann Ludwig Jochmann (ANONYMOUS 1814:
163 f.) a lecture on surgery, together with instruction in bandaging and operating,
part one, after his own dictation; 2) a lecture on eye diseases; 3) supervision of
practice at the surgery hospital; 4) continuation of the lectures on surgery and eye
diseases to previous listeners started in the previous semester; 5) as often as the
circumstances permit, conduction of post-mortem surgery practice for his listeners.
In 1811, Jochmann had been registered twice in the population count: in Tartu
as a private docent, in Pärnu, his father had him recorded in the entry under him
with apparent pride: “Son: Johann Ludwig, Doctor Medicinae and a private doctor
of surgery, 25 years of age”.
The invasion of Emperor Napoleon in Russia forced many physicians to the
frontline. Jochmann was appointed for 1812–1813 to the military hospital of Tartu,
where he discovered in himself not only surgery skills but also philanthropist sen-
sibilities. Although at the head of the hospital, Jochmann fell ill. After a prolonged
stay in the sickroom, which his friends tidied and adorned with flowers, Jochmann
was found lifeless in his bed on the morning of 21 April 1814; he died of apoplexy.
On the previous evening, he had finished reviewing an important and voluminous
scientific work by a close friend. His funeral ceremony took place on 29 April at
auditorio maximo, with numerous friends and the majority of the university’s
personnel in attendance (LENZ 1816: 133; VUNK 2011: 95 f., 2012: 21, 31).
The succession proceedings occasioned by Johann Ludwig Jochmann’s decease
were conducted by the court of the University of Tartu. The respective file is ex-
tant: “Akte in Nachlasssachen des verstorbenen Professors Dr. Johann Ludwig
Jochmann” (digital copy: RA,EAA.402.8.646.l.I–II,1–63). It reveals a number of
documents, and the scope and sale of the inheritance. In addition, it shows the
results of the sale of the inheritance items by auction on 16 December 1818. Joch-
mann had had plenty of household utensils and clothes, which earned 1535 roubles
and 65 kopecks in proceeds. Two hundred and sixty-two books (among them
multivolume works) were auctioned at 845 roubles and 5 kopecks in earnings.
These included handbooks on anatomy, surgery, and pharmacy, four Hippocratic60 Wolfgang Ilg, Heldur Sander & Ari Taponen
works (“Hippokrates’ Werke, übers. von J. F. K. Grimm, Altenburg, 1781”), as well
as his aphorisms, and two books by Vergilius. There were also volumes on history,
ornithology, vegetation, travels, and mineralogy (geology). Additionally, there were
books (“Naturgeschichte der Vögel, Beschreibung meiner Reisen”) by the German
physician and naturalist Ernst Wilhelm von Drümpelmann (BRENNSOHN 1905:
141 f.), who had resided in Russia since 1779 and in Livonia since 1791. The 31
surgical implements of Jochmann yielded 1881 roubles and 65 kopecks. The sale
by auction also included flowerpots with plants, etc., altogether 12 sales items,
which brought in 40 roubles and 10 kopecks. All the auction records included the
prices and the purchasers.
The 1816 population survey featured Jochmann as „a doctor of medicine and
surgery and the elected professor of surgery of Dorpat Imperial University“, who
lived to be 26 years of age (digital copy RA,EAA.1865.2.99/4.l.24p). It is
apparently this that accounts for the wide spread of his incorrect birth year 1787;
the record is corrected under the same entry by noting that he lived to be 28 years
of age (VUNK 2012: 32). Jochmann’s obituary was published several times.
Initially, it was issued by Karl Ludwig Grave (RECKE & NAPIERSKY 1829: 93–98),
who supposedly studied together with Johann Ludwig Jochmann at Riga Cathedral
School and then at the University of Tartu (1803–1805), in the journal “Magazin
für protestantische Prediger vorzüglich im Russischen Reiche”, and by his friend
Gottlieb Eduard Lenz (LENZ 1816: 133–144), the pastor of Tartu St. John’s Church
(1810–1824). Lenz also published the same writing in 1817 and 1818 (RECKE &
NAPIERSKY 1831: 47) and a shortened version of the obituary was issued five years
later than the original (“Bey der Beerdigung des Herrn Professors design.”) in an
overview of the aforementioned journal (MARTYNI-LAGUNA 1821: 287 f.). The
1816 obituary did not list among the mourners of Johann Ludwig his younger and
well-known brother Carl Gustav Jochmann (1789–1830), who back then was in
exile. Mention was made only of his father and sister (LENZ 1816: 133; VUNK
2011: 96, 2012: 32).
At Jochmann’s funeral, the aforementioned G. E. Lenz (LENZ 1816: 135–144)
delivered a beautiful and heartfelt oration. He studied concurrently with Jochmann
at the University of Tartu, in 1803–1806 (entered in the first semester 1803), but
studied theology (RECKE & NAPIERSKY 1931: 46 f., HASSELBLATT & OTTO 1889:
5 f., LENZ 1970: 446 f., VUNK 2012: 31). Pastor Lenz (LENZ 1816: 142) has said in
his commemorative speech: “Did he not live so? Oh fair and noble decision-
makers! Would you not willingly affirm the simple inscription on his tomb: ‘He
has taken away and relieved much pain; he loved his friends, as well as flowers, to
the end. He was a good man, with a noble spirit and heart.’?” Lenz (LENZ 1816:
144) winds up his obituary as follows: “There [i. e. on the edge of eternity] we also
hope to see you again, our beloved, blessed friend! There, in the land of the
blissful! We want to love you and thank you as long as we live for your love and
friendship. We want to believe that the almighty hand will reunite forever those so
painfully parted!”Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise (1804) 61
It has been reported that in Karl Ernst von Baer’s days in 1810–1814 there was
absolutely no instruction in surgery at the University of Tartu (HASSELBLATT &
OTTO 1889: 39). He did not have any opportunity to listen to any lecture or see any
surgery. The lectures of “Privatdozent” Jochmann were announced each semester,
but the ever-ailing doctor never appeared before the students. Some have even sug-
gested he was addicted to alcohol (KAAVERE 1992: 15, 18). Consequently, the fate
of Johann Ludwig Jochmann, who had shown fairly good promise as early as in his
school years at Riga Cathedral School, proved not particularly happy, and he died
young, evidently from tuberculosis. Nothing is known of Jochmann’s communica-
tion and correspondence. The only known reference is to his letter to Johann
Barthel von Siebold (1774–1814), the professor of anatomy, surgery, and physiol-
ogy at the University of Würzburg (BRIEF 24.8.1808).
1.4 Jochmann’ diary of his trip to Finland and its interpretation
Jochmann’s handwritten diary (1804) is stored at the Department of Manuscripts
and Rare Books of the University of Tartu Library. Its digitised copy is now
available to the public (fig. 3). The diary is in fine handwriting, cordbound and
hardcover. The double pages are numbered, totalling 18 pairs thereof. The left side
of the last double page is empty, which puts the total at 35 pages. The text is
supplemented with an occasional sidenote. For some reason, the 18 pairs of double
pages are followed by double page No. 55, the left side of which is empty and the
right side contains plant names with the date and place of discovery, altogether 18
plant names. Next come double pages nos. 60 (left side empty) and 61. These two
double pages are almost entirely filled with the description of Savonlinna, etc. The
diary ends there.
Wolfgang Ilg of Isny undertook the publishing of the entire diary. He tran-
scribed the text into the computer and divided the duration of the travel by dates in
the form of Excel-tables, complete with the names of the places and the plants. The
identification of the places and persons in the diary was complicated, for the
German place names were difficult to locate on present-day maps and the persons
encountered were not overly famous. There were also spelling errors and hard-to-
decipher observations. In all this, Wolfgang Ilg was aided by Ari Taponen of the
University of Helsinki and by Heldur Sander of Tallinn.
The diary begins with Carl Peterson’s poem “Auf die Lustreise des Professors
Germann und einige Studirenden nach Finnland und eventualiter bis an das weisse
Meer” penned a year previously, in June 1803, and published some time later
(PETERSEN 1846: 19 f.). Germann may have confided the upcoming trip to Petersen
or planned on taking it in the summer of 1803, i. e. a year previously. Carl (Karl)
Friedrich Ludwig Petersen (1775–1822/1823) was a Baltic German poet, a lecturer
of the German language and a bibliothecarial figure. In 1802–1822, he worked at
the University of Tartu Library as a secretary (assistant to the librarian). From 1802
to 1819, he was additionally a lecturer of the German language at the University of
Tartu (PETERSEN l. c.: V–XVIII, LENZ 1970: 586). In 1793, he graduated from the62 Wolfgang Ilg, Heldur Sander & Ari Taponen
municipal school of Tartu (Dorpat). Next, he studied in the Universities of Jena
(matriculation on 26 October 1793, studied until 1795) and Halle (matriculation on
31 July 1795) (TERING 2018: 528 f.).
The first entry in Jochmann’s diary is dated 10 June 1804. According to the
diary, the company headed out in two horse carriages on 11 June for St. Petersburg
and ends with 18 July. The family names mentioned apart from that of Jochmann
were those of five students of the University of Tartu, who participated in the jour-
ney (SANDER 2018: 1047 f.): Grube, Klappmeyer, Rinne, Schulz, and Wilpert.
Johann Georg Grube (1785–1854) studied theology from the first (spring)
semester of 1804 to 1806, continued his studies in Göttingen and worked in 1814–
1851 as a Lutheran pastor at Kuramaa (HASSELBLATT & OTTO 1886: 10). Yet it is
somewhat doubtful that he became Germann’s travel mate as early as in the
summer of 1804, after such a short period at the university. There might be an error
here, and the travel mate was perhaps Carl Ludwig Grave (1784–1840), who
studied theology from the second semester of 1803 to 1805, continued his studies
at Göttingen (Dr. phil. 1808) and forged an ecclesiastical career (RECKE &
NAPIERSKY 1829: 93–98, HASSELBLATT & OTTO 1889: 7). Heinrich Klappmayer
(1781–1851) studied theology in 1803–1806, continued his studies in Königsberg
and Göttingen and later lived in Kurland (HASSELBLATT & OTTO 1889: 7). The
“Rinne” was apparently Heinrich Christoph Rinne (1781–1864), who studied
medicine from the first semester of 1803 to 1807, then worked as a physician in
Paide and purchased the Põhjaka (Pochjak) Manor in Järva County in 1828
(l. c.: 5). Neither can Friedrich Wilhelm Rinne (1783–1863) be ruled out. He
studied theology from the second semester of 1803 to 1806 and was pastor of Reigi
Jesus Church in 1813–1863 and Dean of the Saare-Lääne Deanery in 1830–1859
(l. c.: 8). In one of his writings, Carl Petersen has dedicated a poem to Wilhelm
Rinne (PETERSEN 1846: 38–41), and has referred to Rinne as a pastor in two of his
other writings (l. c.: 37, 50). Whether he can be identified as Germann’s travel mate
Friedrich Wilhelm Rinne is another matter. The fourth participant was apparently
Carl Wilhelm Woldemar Schulz (?–1806), who studied medicine at the university
in 1802–1806 to become a Dr. med. and died in Göttingen (HASSELBLATT & OTTO
1886: 1). His obituary was published by the student Grave (1807: 1–23; RECKE &
NAPIERSKY 1829: 93–98), who at that time studied in Göttingen. He delivered the
funeral oration loaded with references to scenic nature (trees) by Schulz’s coffin,
and the last words were uttered by the graveside (GRAVE 1807: 1–22, 23). This
oration, however, contained no clues as to whether Grave and Schulz or just Schulz
had accompanied Germann on his trip to Finland. The fifth traveller was Carl
Wilpert (1785–1861), who studied medicine and theology in 1803–1806, continued
his studies in Göttingen in 1806–1807, subsequently worked as a Lutheran pastor
at Kuramaa, was the Superintendent of Kuramaa and the Vice President of the
Kuramaa Consistory in 1841–1861 and took part in the founding of the Latvian
Literary Society (HASSELBLATT & OTTO 1886: 6).Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise (1804) 63
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2. Das Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise
2.1 Vorbemerkungen
Die Reise, die Professor Germann mit sechs Studenten unternahm, fand 70 Jahre
nach der denkwürdigen Exkursion Carl von Linnés statt: Iter lapponicum 1732,
Manuskript in schwedischer Sprache (http://linnean-online.org/165368/). Es wurde
zu Lebzeiten Linnés nicht veröffentlicht und erschien erstmals 1811 in englischer
Übersetzung unter dem Titel „Lachesis lapponica or a tour in Lapland, now first
published from the original Manuscript Journal of the celebrated Linnaeus; by
James Edward Smith“. – 2 Bde., London. Die erste schwedische Ausgabe stammt
aus dem Jahr 1889; maßgeblich aber ist die Bearbeitung von T. M. Fries (1913);
erste deutsche Ausgabe: Linné, C. v. (1964). Lappländische Reise. Aus dem
Schwedischen übersetzt von H. C. Artmann unter Mitwirkung von Helli Clervall.
Frankfurt a. M.; allerdings informierte STÖVER (1792) schon sehr früh und aus-
führlich die deutsche Leserschaft über die Lappländische Reise. – Zu Linnés
Reiseberichten vgl. etwa auch LINNÉ et al. (1991) oder DETERING (2020: 89–123).66 Wolfgang Ilg, Heldur Sander & Ari Taponen
Auf diesen Reisebericht bezieht sich vermutlich die Überschrift „Lappländische
Reise“ bei Jochmann, obwohl – im Gegensatz zu Linné – die Exkursion sich aus-
schließlich innerhalb der Grenzen von Alt-Finnland, dem Gouvernement Vyborg
bewegte, das Schweden 1742 an Russland abgetreten hatte, und dies eine botani-
sche Exkursion von Studenten mit ihrem Professor und keineswegs eine For-
schungsreise war. Zu den Techniken zur Evidenzsicherung der gewonnenen Infor-
mationen auf solchen Reisen, wie Tagebuchschreiben, Konservieren und Zeichnen
siehe BÖTTCHER (2020: 238–268).
Der Text des Tagebuchs wird nachfolgend vollständig transkribiert wiedergege-
ben. Von Jochmann eingefügte Randbemerkungen sind mit „Randbemerkung“ und
„Ende“ kenntlich gemacht. Die Schreibweise wurde nur korrigiert, wenn dadurch
die Verständlichkeit verbessert wird; auch durchgestrichene Phrasen wurden bei-
behalten. Die über den Text verteilten Pflanzennamen (76 Gefäßpflanzen, 1 Moos),
mit Global Biodiversity Information Facility (GBIF 2020) ggf. korrigiert und syno-
nymisiert, sind in Tab. 1 aufgelistet, im Anschluss an die Transkription. Einzelne
Pflanzennamen oder taxonomische Autoren ließen sich mit GBIF (l. c.) allein nicht
zuverlässig prüfen, sie wurden noch mit weiteren botanischen Referenzlisten abge-
glichen. Kleinere Orte (Toponyme) sind wenn möglich mit dem World Geodetic
System 84 (WGS84) bestimmt.
Jochmanns Tagebuch umfasst 65 Blätter und beschreibt die Reise von Dorpat
nach Savonlinna in der Zeit vom 10. Juni bis 18. Juli 1804. Bei GERMANN (1804:
333) wird die Dauer der gesamten Exkursion mit acht Wochen angegeben, also
ungefähr bis zum 5. August. Das deckt sich im Übrigen auch mit den Angaben
über die zurückgelegten Entfernungen: Jochmann gibt 1100, Germann 1892 Werste
an. Von Jochmann stammt auch die Aufstellung der gefundenen Pflanzen am Ende
des Tagebuchs (55r). Die leeren Seiten 18r bis 54v dazwischen waren von ihm
vermutlich für die fehlenden zweieinhalb Wochen vorgesehen. In einer E-Mail
vom 19.9.2018 an H. Sander bestätigt der Leiter der Handschriftenabteilung der
Universitätsbibliothek Tartu, Malle Ermel, dass die fehlenden Seiten leer waren
und deshalb nicht digitalisiert wurden. Ob Professor Germann, nachdem Jochmann
seinen Part, möglicherweise wegen Krankheit (siehe Manuskript S. 17r, 15.7.1804)
beendet hatte, einen anderen Studenten mit der Führung des Tagebuchs beauftragt
hatte, oder – da nur noch die Rückreise mit gut zwei Wochen anstand – Germann
auf einen weiteren Tagebuchschreiber verzichtete, bleibt unklar. Die Tagebuch-
seiten sind recht akkurat im Satzspiegel geschrieben, vermutlich, um die verschie-
denen Randbemerkungen, die Jochmann hinzufügte, aufzunehmen (vgl. Abb. 3).
Die letzten Seiten des Manuskripts (60r bis 61r) füllte Jochmann mit einem
handschriftlichen Auszug aus ALOPAEUS (1787) über verschiedene Gesteins- und
Marmorarten in Karelien.
Wenige Monate nachdem das Manuskript für diesen Beitrag bei der Hoppea
eingereicht worden war, erschien im Universitätsverlag Winter (Heidelberg) das
Buch „Die Brüder Jochmann aus Pernau“ von Horst Gundlach, in dem auch das
„Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise“ veröffentlicht wurde (GUNDLACH 2020).Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise (1804) 67 Abb. 3: Jochmann-Manuskript; Imprint Dorpat, 10. Juni 1804–[18.] Juli 1804; 65 S.; 20,4 cm × 17,9 cm; Universität Dorpat, University of Tartu Library, Mscr 818. Beispiel: Reproduktion der S. 4r. – URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10062/62940 (Abruf: 3.9.2020). 2.2 Transkription des Tagebuchs [1r] Tagebuch der Lappländischen Reise. L. Jochmann [Bleistift:] Johann Ludwig Jochmann
68 Wolfgang Ilg, Heldur Sander & Ari Taponen
[1v]
Reiselied.
Auf, Brüder, auf! Der Tag bricht an An Livlands Gränze trinken wir
Die Abschiedsstund‘ ist nah. Ein Gläschen Bierkäs‘ aus,
Ergreifet muthig das Gewehr Und bringen unsern ersten Gruß,
Wir wandern hin zum weißen Meer Den finnis ligni pedibus4,
Hin nach Lapponia! Und ruhn bei ihnen aus.
Der Weg ist lang, das Ziel ist fern! Doch weiter, weiter liegt das Ziel
Drum schauet nicht zurük! Das unser Geist durchglüht.
Wir schreiten muthig fort in kühnem Lauf „Kennst Du das Land5 wo Rennthiermoos
Den Fels hinunter und hinauf „Auf unwirthbarer Erde Schoos
Und trotzen dem Geschik. „In öder Steppe blüht?“
Zum fernen Lappen wallen wir [2v] Seht! Seht! Da strekt der Elendsberg6
Hin über Berg und Steg Sein schreklich Haupt empor!
Seht! vor uns waden durch den Schnee Da fluthet schon das weiße Meer;
Pontoppidanus1 und Linné2 Da blickt der grimme Wasserbär
Und zeigen uns den Weg! Aus dem Gesträuch hervor.
Und wir gerüstet wie Vaillant3 Wir sind am Ziel! ‒ Victoria!
Ziehn muthig hinterdrein. Wir essen Seehundsfett.
Kein Falke sitzt in seinem Nest, Wir schießen rasch mit Hasenschrot
Den unser Rohr zufrieden läßt Uns einen kleinen Lappen tod
Er muß getödtet sein! Für Dorpats Cabinet.
[2r] Ein ungeheures Kräuterbuch Dann ist der hohe Zweck erfüllt
Uns auf dem Rücken hängt. Der Wissenschaft zum Glück.
Wir raufen aus was vegitirt, Und wir, wir eilen um die Wett,
Es wird besehn, claßifizirt, Vom weißen Meer ans schwarze Brett
Und flugs hineingezwängt! Nach Fenn-Athen7 zurük.
Kein Pflasterstein auf unsern Weg’ CP Carl Petersen8.
Liegt ruhig vor uns da.
Er heiße Glimmer oder Gneus,
Er muß heraus, beim großen Zeus!
Vor unsern Critica.
1 Erich Pontoppidanus; Verfasser von: Det første forsøg paa Norges naturlige historie. 2 Bde.
1752–53; deutsche Übers.: Erich Pontoppidans Versuch einer natürlichen Historie von Nor-
wegen. – 2 Theile. Flensburg und Leipzig 1769. – Vergleiche SEUME (1806: 250, Anm. 180).
2 1695, also schon vor Linné bereiste sein Lehrer und Gönner Olof Rudbeck d. J. (1660–1740)
Lappland im Auftrag Carls XI. (LINNÉ 1991: 313).
3 Vaillant, Sébastien (1669–1722), Schüler J. P. de Tourneforts (BARNHART 1965, Bd. 3: 419);
vgl. auch PRITZEL (1851, Nr. 10619–10622) und MÄGDEFRAU (1992: 54, 62).
4 „den holzfüßigen Finnen“ – vermutlich ein Hinweis auf die Waldfinnen, die später nach
Schweden und Norwegen eingewandert waren und im Gegensatz zu den bereits seit Mitte
des 16. Jahrhunderts eingewanderten Finnen, die vor allem in Bergbau und Hüttenwesen
arbeiteten, sich durch Brandrodung der großen unberührten Nadelwälder im Landesinneren
neue landwirtschaftliche Nutzflächen schufen.
5 GOETHE (1998: 145), Mignons Lied, entstanden vermutlich 1782/83, erstmals veröffentlicht
1795: „Kennst du das Land, wo die Zitronen blühn […]“.Sie können auch lesen
